論文 - 松山　哲也

コピー形成と英語の自由関係節

松山哲也 (担当区分： 筆頭著者 )

日本英語英文学 No. 34 2024   34   89 - 107   2025年03月  [査読有り]

ラベル付け理論による指定的疑似分裂文の分析

松山哲也 (担当区分： 筆頭著者 )

日本英語英文学研究   33   89 - 117   2023年12月  [査読有り]

Ambiguous Labeling and Non-Agreeing Subjects

Matsuyama Tetsuya (担当区分： 筆頭著者 )

日本英語英文学   32   79 - 92   2022年12月  [査読有り]

Analysis of Subject Contact Relative Constructions Based on Spilt Feature Inheritance

Tetsuya Matsuyama (担当区分： 筆頭著者 )

English Linguistics   38 ( 1 ) 33 - 73   2021年10月  [査読有り]

Transparent Free Relatives As Specifying Coordination

Tetsuya Matsuyama

English Linguistics ( The English Linguistic Society of Japan )  34 ( 2 ) 235 - 265   2018年03月  [査読有り]

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The Syntactic Structure of WH-Syntactic Amalgams”

Tetsuya Matsuyama (担当区分： 筆頭著者 )

English Lingusitics ( The English Linguistic Society of Japan )  32 ( 1 ) 78 - 101   2015年06月  [査読有り]

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On a Certain Temporal Use of into: A conceptual Semantic Analysis

Tetsuya Matsuyama (担当区分： 筆頭著者 )

English Linguistics ( English Linguistic Society of Japan )  29 ( 2 ) 344 - 356   2012年  [査読有り]

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MP away from V-ing 構文の意味的多様性

松山哲也

英語語法文法研究 ( 英語語法文法学会 )  18号 ( 18 ) 126-142 - 142   2011年12月  [査読有り]

A Note on the Two-Sided Behavior of N after N

Tetsuya Matsuyama

English Linguistics ( The English Linguistic Society of Japan )  23 ( 2 ) 446 - 453   2006年  [査読有り]

DOI

On Productivity and Idiomaticity of NPN Constructions: A Corpus-based Study

Matsuyama Tetsuya

Studies in English Grammar and Usage ( 英語語法文法学会 )  Vol. 12 p.47-62 ( 12 ) 47 - 62   2005年  [査読有り]

“The N after N Constrcution: A Constructional Idiom”

MATSUYAMA TETSUYA

English Linguistics ( The English Linguistic Society of Japan )  Vol. 21: No.1 p.55-84, ( 1 ) 55 - 84   2004年  [査読有り]

　概要を見る

This article suggests an analysis of the N <i>after</i> N construction, exemplified by <i>question after question</i>, along the lines of the tripartite parallel theory advanced by Jackendoff (1997, 2002). It will be observed that the construction manifests a syntax-semantics mismatch: a singular noun in syntax but a bare plural noun in semantics. This mismatch is argued to be due to a correspondence rule that associates syntactically subordinate structure with semantically coordinate structure. It will be also shown that the analysis is applicable to the N <i>ni-tugu</i> N construction, the Japanese counterpart to the N <i>after</i> N construction.

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Subject-Because Construction and the Extended Projection Principle

Tetsuya Matsuyama

English Linguistics   18 ( 2 ) 329 - 355   2001年  [査読有り]

　概要を見る

This paper aims to clarify in terms of the minimalist program the structure of a particular construction to be termed the subject-because construction, exemplified by just because I'm here now doesn't mean that I didn't go. It will be argued that the construction involves not only the subject-because merged in [Spec, T] but also a null subject in [Spec, v] whose ϕ-features delete the uninterpretable ϕ-features of T. This analysis accounts for the absence of subject-verb agreement for the subject-because, its (non)-occurrence in (non)-Case-marking positions, and its failure to agree with emphatic reflexives as well as pronominal subjects in tag-clauses. © 2001, The English Linguistic Society of Japan. All rights reserved.

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“Transparency in Bare Infinitival Complements in English and Overt Feature Movement,”

Tetsuya Matsuyama

English Linguistics   16 ( 2 ) 405 - 435   1999年  [査読有り]

　概要を見る

This paper considers in the framework of the minimalist program (Chomsky (1995)) a key problem in syntax — the question of what kinds of theoretical devices should account for the frequently observed phenomena in natural language in which infinitival complements display transparency for typically clause-bounded processes. The particular case we look closely at is transparency in BI (Bare Infinitive) complements in English, which is evidenced by the non-clause-boundedness of otherwise clause-bounded phenomena such as Pseudogapping, HNPS (Heavy NP Shift), and scope interpretation of negative quantifiers. The transparency will be analyzed as deriving from overt incorporation of Tense feature and other formal features of the verb of the BI complement to the matrix verb. A theoretical importance of this analysis is that it employs the set of formal features independently necessary to account for V-to-T movement in finite clauses, and therefore it does not lead to proliferation of formal features. © 1999, The English Linguistic Society of Japan. All rights reserved.

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